Regeneration london 2017

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Notify me of new comments via email. Notify me of new posts via email. Economic 7, million temporary jobs and 5, construction jobs were created for a low skilled labour force and 12, permanent jobs in the area. Faster commuting times, more time spent on family and friends, to and from Stratford. People forcibly moved out of houses which destroyed communities Worlds largest urban park in the world to offer free Wi-Fi to all visitors Environmental The games missed its targets to recycle its waste and building materials during and after the games.

The park is home to 2 different types of endangered species. Moreover, the city needed not only economic diversity but also a greener environment along with the Convergence agenda, which indicate that the Olympic boroughs would have a similar standard of social and economic benefits as their neighbors across London. According to his speech at the Thames Gateway Forum, Olympic boroughs were expected to create 40, new houses, education and health facilities and the largest new park, with a network of restored waterways and wildlife habitats.

But, the infrastructure investment owing to the Olympics did regenerate the Olympic boroughs, which has fast-forwarded the development of a new valuable hub in East London. After the Games, Stratford, the main Olympic city, now has an Olympic Park, but also new and cutting-edge cultural and educational organisations arriving over the next ten years.

Chung 5. However, not all research shows the advantages of the regeneration plan. Some groups of people agree that there are shortcomings of its plan. The Salon held five meetings about different issue and discussed the Olympic-led regeneration from September to October The public realm seems cleaner, more ordered and manageable. While some artists left the area after the loss of initial attractions such as freedom, unregulated, and empty space, other artists recently moved to Hackney Wick for its new creative atmosphere.

In the end of the Salon, the question is unresolved as Hope argues, from which position is it better to make public issues of urban development that need instant response of the authority? Black implies that the government could then blame the unexpected economic crisis of for the failure of meeting the needs.

Isaac Marrero-Guillamon, the co-editor of the Art of Dissent , organized the writing of what the discussion was about. Anna Minton, the writer of Ground Control , brought up the issue of enclosure of the public space with high security and surveillance.

James Field also criticized the Westfield Shopping Centre owing to globalization of capital and materialization, which gradually displaces a diverse community in Stratford. Each of them visited Olympic construction sites surrounded by security fence and surveillance cameras to document what was soon to be demolished. On the other hand, the discussion led to the critical point of this meeting, the absence of activist groups. Ford argued that although she worked with a network of people against the bid their protests changed nothing and Minton indicated that the lack of networks between those people made their voices unheard.

Following the logs of the Salon de Refuse Olympique, a variety of people spoke up for their own positions and duties that they are obliged to handle, which brought up vigorous discussion on artistic practices. Furthermore, it is significant that the regeneration scheme enabled the narrative of Olympic Games. In case of the Art of Dissent , whether Powell and Guillamon intend to make readers judge the book by its cover before readers get a chance to find out the deeper meanings of their works, their works could be looked as a protest the Games.

Democracy is formed when dissensus occurs, disagreements are therefore a fundamental condition of democracy. He argues that the aesthetic is not about Western philosophy, rather it meets the matter of the distribution of what is perceived in society.

In other words, it can be said that aesthetics exists through a system of division and interpretation of what is visible and understood through sensible experience. In Edge of Empire , Jane M. However, the Olympic boroughs have not been allowed to keep their cultural and architectural history. For example, the transformation of Hackney Wick demolished its previous landscape and warehouses that used to be an artistic space, which raises the question why could the Olympic boroughs not keep theirs?

The Rise of Creative Economy. His notion of knowledge economy takes account of information as the most profitable asset. He claims that his creative class tend to earn twice as much as average workers and work in key growth industries such as IT and biotechnology, therefore, becoming significant drivers of economic growth in the context of knowledge economy.

On the one hand, his class of individuals welcome certain ways of life that respect their individuality including self-expression and openness to diversity, which are inseparable from creative work. Competitive Global City. Furthermore, Jones and Evans also emphasize the infrastructure of information communications technology ICT such as providing Internet networks to residents and visitors in public spaces. Florida indicates the crucial factor that urban cities need is to attract people who are qualified to deliver cultural diversity, as well as experiential lifestyles.

Through the CITIES research, the British government recognized the value of creative industries in terms of contemporary urban regeneration. Miles and Paddison summarize their emphasis on culture in the following quotation from Comedia:. However, the disappearance of New Labour government in could not keep up their initiative policies with ongoing-reconstruction. It offers more than a million square feet of space, The first occupiers, BT Sport, started to transmit two sports channels in the middle of Loughborough University in London renovated research faculties for infrastructure, robotics, and healthcare.

Accordingly, we chose red pins for estates in the 21 Labour-run boroughs, blue pins for estates in the 10 Conservative-run boroughs, and yellow pins for the estates in the single Liberal Democrat-run borough of Sutton. As it turned out, this political identification of the councils implementing estate regeneration — which for us was the primary and obvious purpose of the map — had the most powerful and unexpected effect on viewers, who were shocked at just how many red pins there were, both comparatively and overall.

Estate regeneration can mean its refurbishment, as in the example of Lancaster West estate in North Kensington, which the Grenfell Tower fire has exposed as carrying its own threat to residents. Even when it seems otherwise, regeneration always comes at the expense of residents.

In order to serve its purpose, however, our map had to have a narrower focus. In any case, of the 1, new units built in phase 1 of the redevelopment, a mere flats are for social rent.

Completed in , the regeneration resulted in a reduction in housing across the five estates from 4, council homes to 3, mixed-tenure dwellings, a net loss of homes. But the new developments also saw a tenure shift from 4, homes for council rent to 2, a 50 per cent loss of 2, council-rented homes in a borough with 24, households on its housing waiting list , housing association rentals and market sale properties. In its reduction of the overall number of properties and the relatively large number of homes for social rent built on the new development, this regeneration scheme, which was undertaken in as a partnership between Southwark council and several property developers and housing associations, clearly belongs to the outer limits of the current estate regeneration programme, which invariably justifies the huge loss of homes for social rent with a dramatic increase in the number of properties for private sale on the new development.

As an example of why the first of these options — refurbishment — is unlikely to be the one chosen, in Lewisham Labour council proposed that the Excalibur estate in Catford be stock transferred to a housing association.

In Savills dutifully produced a report saying that none of the existing homes were up to the Decent Homes Standard. Finally, in the Homes and Communities Agency informed the poor cash-strapped council that it would not provide funding for a stock transfer, and Lewisham council promptly announced the full demolition and redevelopment of the estate as the only financially viable option. The next task facing us, of course, was finding this information for each estate.

Those not familiar with estate regeneration may be surprised to learn that no record of the estates threatened by this programme is available: not from the Department for Communities and Local Government, not from the Greater London Authority, not from the London Housing Commission.

And while the websites of local authorities will sometimes contain some information about the identity of the estates on their regeneration programme, it is always vague, misleading, incomplete, inaccurate or simply withheld altogether.

In none of them is the number of homes for social rent lost to the scheme provided. So, new homes, more homes, an increase in affordable homes, and the refurbishment of the existing homes. This is how estate regeneration is presented by the people implementing it — by the architects, the developers, the councils, the mayor.

So how do we find this hidden information, how do we record it, and how do we convey it? When we were making the map for the exhibition at the ICA, these were largely questions for the future.

Our task was to identify as many estate regenerations as we could that fell within the definition we had selected, and then locate them on the map. Finding this information, however, is difficult. Council websites are a starting point, however restricted the information made available to the public. The websites of architectural practices will offer much of the same — which is to say, very little. Where they exist, planning applications, either to the local or Greater London Authority, offer more, but these require considerable time to decipher.

The online map produced by Concrete Action has been useful; and Our Tottenham has proved invaluable in tracing the full reach of the bulldozers that will precede the Haringey Development Vehicle, which the Labour council has done its best to hide from public scrutiny.

As for our national press — their investigative antennae pulsating with indifference — with the odd exception they habitually report little more than the press releases of councillors, developers, think tanks, the London Mayor and the Minister of State for Housing and Planning — hacks like the former Guardian journalist Dave Hill being the prime example.

And academics? But even given the collusion of such apologists for social cleansing as the London School of Economics — whose report on Kidbrooke Village in Greenwich omitted to say that the 4, properties in the new development are being built on the ruins of 1, council homes and the social cleansing of 5, council tenants from the demolished Ferrier estate — what we find most incredible, if not exactly surprising, is that no salaried investigator, grant-funded PhD student, tenured academic, Research Councils UK researcher or Greater London Authority employee has undertaken this task, and that it has been left to ASH, an unfunded organisation of voluntary workers, to research the data on estate regeneration and create this map.

Which is where you come in, and the purpose for writing this article. By far the most reliable, accurate and up-to-date source of information on an estate regeneration comes from the campaigners fighting to resist it. By the time we put the last map panels up on the gallery wall late on Friday evening we had stuck appropriately coloured pins into estates in the 21 Labour-run London boroughs; 37 estates in the 10 Conservative-run boroughs; and 5 estates in the single Liberal Democrat-run borough: a total of London estates under threat of, currently undergoing, or which have recently undergone privatisation, demolition or social cleansing.

Given the time restraints of the exhibition, some of these estates will have been inaccurately identified for one reason or another; some other estates are yet to be identified; and many more will join them over the ensuing months and years.

There is no definitive version of this map for the simple reason that it can only ever be accurate at one given moment, while estate regeneration is an ongoing programme that is set to increase in numbers and reach. Our own project, because of this, is equally ongoing. We want to take this opportunity, therefore, to appeal to the public — residents, housing campaigners, council employees, architectural workers, even journalists and academics — to send us information about any estate regeneration scheme they can identify and, where possible, provide some of the data for it.

It would also be useful to have the link to the primary source of this information, whether a planning application, article or blog post.